Blue, Grey, and Red Soldiers During the Civil War
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The Civil War was tragic on many levels. It was a domestic war that killed more Americans than would die in America's ten foreign wars put together, and it utterly destroyed southern infrastructure. Though many readers are probably tired of hearing that the war "pitted brother against brother", the almost worn out phrase is unfortunately only too true when applied to a group of fighting men whose story is sometimes overlooked entirely when studying the great conflict. American Indians, like their white counterparts, served in both the Union and the Confederate armies, but, if anything, the results of their participation were even more tragic.
How did Native Americans serve during the War? Approximately 20,000 Amerindians served in both the CS and US armies as soldiers, guides, and staff officers. Native Americans fought in the United States Colored Troops (USCT) at the Battle of the Crater. Members of the Pamunkey and Mataponi nations served as Union river pilots, land guides, and spies for McClellan during the Peninsula Campaign. Highly acclaimed Delaware Indian guides and scouts served the US army in the Trans-Mississippi West. The best known of these scouts was Black Beaver, an Absentee Delaware who also served as a US army captain during the Mexican War.
Indians held a vital bridge and repulsed the advance of General George Pickett's forces, which were attempting to seize Union supplies and halt railroad operations at New Bern, NC. A Tuscarora, Lt. Cornelius C. Cusick, was twice cited for heroism in the Official Record. Oneida and Stockbridge Indians in the 14th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry of the Grand Army of the West aided General William Tecumseh Sherman in his Atlanta and Carolina Campaigns. Colonel Ely S. Parker, a Seneca, transcribed Lee's official surrender papers at Appomattox.
The Lowry Band of guerillas, seen as common outlaws by many whites, but lauded as folk heroes by their people, the Lumbee Indians of North Carolina, fought against the state's home guards, which enslaved Indians during the Civil War, and against the Ku Klux Klan, who murdered Indians after the War. Catawba who had remained behind after their removal from ancestral lands served South Carolina faithfully throughout the conflict, fighting in the Peninsula Campaign, Second Manassas, Antietam, and Petersburg's trenches.
The Thomas Legion served valiantly here in the Shenandoah Valley. An adopted Cherokee, Colonel W. H. Thomas loyally served the Confederacy until his surrender at Waynesville, NC, 9 May 1865. When facing Union Major General David Hunter's 16,000-man army in 1864, the Thomas Legion was down to just 500 men and so was brigaded with the 36th, 45th, and 60th Virginia regiments under General W. E. Jones. When Jones fielded fewer than 8,000 Confederates against Hunter at Piedmont on 5 June 1864, Jones was killed and over 1,000 men were taken prisoner. Major General Jubal A. Early then took command of the shattered remnants of Jones' army, rejuvenated it, retook the Shenandoah Valley, and marched to the outskirts of Washington, D.C. After the Thomas Legion participated in all of the battles of the campaign, only 100 Legion veterans remained to march out of the Valley.
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Like black soldiers, Indian soldiers fought in every American war, despite a long history of bad relations with the American government. The Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, Seminole, Catawba, Chippewa, Delaware, Menominee, Miami, Osage, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Quapaw, Shawnee, Mohawk, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, Tuscarora, Winnebago, and Wyandot nations had been previously removed from their homelands to what Alexis de Tocqueville observed were "new deserts, where the importunate whites will not let them remain ten years in peace".
So, why then did Indians fight?
Despite a history of broken promises and forced removal from ancestral lands, some Indian communities had become integrated into, and politically and economically dependent on, the white world that enveloped them. Additionally, Indians hoped their service would prevent further removals. Both black and red soldiers chose military service in order to defend their de facto homes and to win legal rights and self-sufficiency. Poverty, wanderlust, and a desire for adventure also often induced enlistment. Some tribes practiced slavery, and found the South attractive for that reason.
Past treaty obligations and experiences as comrades in arms in prior wars often predisposed some tribes to favor one side over another. Never a monolithic political unit, Indians nations were often longtime adversaries during intertribal wars and then again later if they allied with either the Loyalists or the Patriots during the War for Independence; with either the Americans or British during the "Second War for Independence" (the War of 1812); or with either the Union or the Confederacy during the "War for Southern Independence".
Several tribes split over the American secession crisis, with part of the tribe joining the Union and another part fighting with the Confederacy. The Cherokee example is particularly tragic. After having been removed from the Eastern United States to Indian Territory during the Jacksonian era, the Cherokee who survived the forced march along the Trail of Tears had made new homes in Oklahoma. John Ross, the Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation 1846-66, initially signed a treaty with the Confederacy, but later gave his allegiance to the Union and served in the federal army. In opposition to this new stance, and after a long feud with Ross over tribal leadership, Stand Watie, Principal Chief of the South faction, exiled Ross to Washington 1862-5. Watie was arguably the most successful Confederate commander in the trans-Mississippi West 1864-5 with his daring capture of the union ferry steamboat JR Williams and his decisive victory at the 2nd Battle of Cabin Creek. When Stand Watie surrendered his forces on 23 June 1865, he was one of the last Confederate generals to do so.
But almost unbelievably, Indian soldiers were welcomed into Union ranks in the East, while at the same time US armies continued to war against the Santee, Cheyenne, Navajo, and Apache nations on the western frontier. Recruiting posters openly enticed "Indian fighters", while the war further east required additional manpower. However, these new Indian wars were merely an extension of previous wars of conquest (i.e., the First Creek War, 1813-4; the Second Creek War, 1836; the First Seminole War, 1817-8; the Second Seminole War, 1835-42; the Third Seminole War, 1855-8; and the Black Hawk War, 1832) that were termed "pacification".
Between the War of 1812 and the "War of Northern Aggression, 1861-5" many once sovereign Indian nations had been confined to reservations, where they received neither the supplies nor protection guaranteed by treaties with the United States. As a result, many "pacified" Indians died of disease, exposure, and starvation, or were murdered by white settlers who did not discriminate between belligerent and friendly Native Americans. Especially in California's violent mining subculture, whites commonly raped or enslaved Indian women. "Pacification" often appeared to be systematic extermination of Indian tribes.
The activities of Colorado's "fighting parson" give a particularly horrific example of US pacification policy that no feeling person should have ever tolerated. While Grant's Army of the Potomac was besieging Petersburg, erstwhile preacher Colonel John M. Chivington led 700 men in a massacre of 200 Cheyenne men, women, and children at Sand Creek on 29 November 1864. He justified his killing of Cheyenne babies and toddlers by saying that "nits make lice". He conducted similar forays against Arapahoe women and children in their camps.
What reward did Native Americans receive for their military service?
Unlike black soldiers, who received freedom, citizenship, and male suffrage for their service, red soldiers found that their communities' political and economic condition declined dramatically after the Civil War. And, like mainstream America, Indian communities were also severely impacted by battle fatalities, but unlike white communities, their population was not replenished by massive immigration.
After 1865, all Cherokee, even the Unionist northern faction, were treated as conquered Confederates. Federal officials insisted that they forfeit all rights of every kind, including annuities, lands, and protection, which the United States had guaranteed them in earlier treaties; agree to a permanent peace; abolish slavery with no compensation; cede their lands in Indian Territory; allow US military posts within Indian Territory; and readjust all treaties to settle questions arising out of their former Confederate alliance. In effect, the entire Cherokee Nation was punished. Unquestionably, personal Indian vendettas that played out during the War contributed to this debacle, but clearly a long policy of cheating Indians was also in full operation. However, with the prevailing culture of land greed, even tribes that had fought with the Union found that their treaties had to be "adjusted" during the post war period.
There was nothing civil about the War Between the States.
See Stonewall Jackson Museum's exhibit Blue, Gray, and Red: American Indians During the Civil War
References
"Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War" by Lawrence M. Hauptman (New York: Free Press Paperbacks, A Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc., 1996).
"The Blue, the Gray, & the Red: Indian Campaigns of the Civil War" by Thom Hatch (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003)
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Civil War Leaders as Indian Fighters
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Following the Civil War, instead of totally demobilizing its vast army, the United States sent many units to the far West to "pacify the Indians".
Gen. George Crook, a veteran of the 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign, dealt with the Apache nation patiently and honorably. When once asked about "bad Indians", his response was that he had "never yet seen one so demoralized that he was not an example in honor and nobility compared to the wretches who plunder him of the little our government appropriates for him". However, Crook's less patient successor removed all the Apaches he could find east to Florida, much as the Army had marched the Cherokees along the Trail of Tears from North Carolina west to Indian Territory (Oklahoma) some decades before.
Other Civil War officers were also assigned to the far western states. George Custer, who had participated in the burning of the Shenandoah Valley, made his "first stand" when he attacked Black Kettle's Cheyenne village on the Washita River in Indian Territory, killing 38 sleeping men, women, and children. Six weeks later, Custer's commander during the 1864 Valley Campaign, Gen. Philip H. Sheridan, toured Oklahoma to test the temper of the resident tribes. Sheridan, who had promised President Lincoln in 1864 that after he burnt the Valley a crow would not be able to fly across it without bringing its own food, now made another famous declaration. Upon meeting Tochoway, who introduced himself as a "good Indian", Sheridan replied: "the only good Indians I ever saw were dead". This was not the first time anyone had expressed the sentiment on the frontier, but it was the first time a man of high rank had publicly sanctioned the extermination philosophy. Later, at his "last stand" at Little Big Horn on 25 June 1876, Custer and his 7th cavalry were utterly destroyed, a great Sioux victory that nevertheless proved counterproductive for Indians everywhere. Word of the humiliating defeat reached Washington during the Centennial celebrations of national pride, embarrassed leaders stepped up their determination to punish the "savages" who challenged the power of the United States.
At least one more episode featured veteran Civil War officers. After seven months of constant harassment, a desperate Modoc leader named Kintpuash killed a peace commissioner in a misguided attempt to save the last 250 of his people. The hero of Appomattox, now President, U.S. Grant, demanded retaliation from his commander of the Army, General William T. Sherman. Sherman, who was already famous for burning Atlanta during his 1864-5 March to the Sea, replied that Grant "will be fully justified in their utter extermination".
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Programs available at the museum for schools, groups or individuals.
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Contact us at the museum to arrange for any group tours for your organization.
To book a tour, contact Babs Funkhouser, Director, 33229 Old Valley Pike, Strasburg, VA 22657, 540.465.5884, or Email: wayside@shentel.net.
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A Look at Hupp's Hill's Involvement in the Valley Campaigns - Part 1: The 1862 Valley Campaign
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Always mystify, mislead and surprise the enemy.
-T. J. Jackson
The Shenandoah Valley is steeped in beauty and mystique. A large part of its allure for modern historians, however, is its pivotal importance during the Civil War.
The Shenandoah Valley was vital to the Confederate war effort for several reasons. It was a breadbasket, one of few areas in the South that produced grain, not cash crops. It was also a source of both manpower and horsepower for Southern armies. But perhaps the Valley's major significance was its strategic southwest-to-northeast alignment, which could literally aim southern military forces directly at the US capital in Washington and the major northern industrial cities of Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. Further, if the Great Valley of Virginia was lost, invading Federals could move through the Blue Ridge Mountains' eleven passes to flank the southern capital at Richmond.
In the lower Valley just north of the town of Strasburg, a set of weathered, deforested upland ridges dominates the northeast corner of Shenandoah County to the southern bank of Cedar Creek. Named Hupp's Hill for the German family that settled it in 1755, the panoramic view from the 750-foot-high Hill encompasses Belle Grove Plantation on the heights above Cedar Creek, the Sandy Hook oxbow of the Shenandoah River, Signal Knob, the town of Strasburg, and Fishers Hill. This strategic position astride the macadamized Valley Turnpike situated Hupp's Hill in the center of both the 1862 and the 1864 Valley Campaigns.
During the spring of 1862, Major General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson waged a brilliant defensive campaign that still fascinates students of military history. Jackson's small army, the only maneuverable Confederate force in the field, operated on the Federal flank, thus posing a grave threat to Washington and the North's industrial centers. Jackson's actions forced George McClellan to divert 60,000 men of his 150,000-man Army of the Potomac to the Shenandoah Valley, which impeded implementation of his ambitious Peninsula Campaign.
Major military action around Hupp's Hill began on 12 March 1862 when Jackson began a 42-mile march from Winchester south to Mount Jackson with Major General Nathaniel P. Banks' federals in pursuit. Captain Robert Chew's Virginia Battery performed delaying actions by defending the Cedar Creek Bridge on 18 March before taking up a position on Fisher's Hill.
The next morning, Banks' subordinate Brigadier General James Shields ordered his men across Hupp's Hill into Strasburg and then divided them into two columns, sending one south along the Pike and the other west along the railroad. Chew's gunners briefly fought the column on the Pike, but fire from the group on the railroad soon forced him to move southward. After Shields' Federals reached Woodstock, Banks ordered them to return to Strasburg. Then on 20 March, he ordered his most of his men to withdraw to Winchester, leaving only a small covering force at Strasburg. In the meantime, US Brigadier General John Sedgewick's division had marched east from Berryville toward Harper's Ferry on 14 March. Brigadier General Alpheus Williams' division left the Valley for Manassas on 22 March.
When Confederate cavalry commander Turner Ashby reported this massive Federal withdrawal to General Jackson on 21 March, Stonewall immediately ordered all of his infantry to move to Strasburg, despite a thick snowfall. By the evening of 22 March, Jackson's entire force was at Strasburg, some units having marched 25 miles that day. The Stonewall Brigade camped on Hupp's Hill, where many of the men fell out from exhaustion.
Having received faulty information that there were only four regiments of Federals left in Winchester, Jackson prepared to strike. The Kernstown Battlefield, which was a compact 500 yards long by 200 yards wide, became a killing field on 23 March 1862. Some ill-equipped CS units found that even their outdated smoothbore muskets were effective weapons at such close quarters. One Stonewall Brigade infantryman opined that the action at Kernstown was hotter than it had been at Manassas, and an Ohio soldier said that the fighting there had seemed more like committing murder than engaging in legitimate combat.
The battle raged until the Stonewall Brigade nearly exhausted its ammunition, and then Confederate commanders began withdrawing. Unable to rally his troops, Jackson ordered his reserves to make a valiant rearguard stand to allow the rest of the army to retreat. Jackson then moved his command to Vaucluse Spring, which is located between Newtown (now Stephens City) and Middletown. On 24 March, Jackson formed a line on Hupp's Hill to allow evacuation of the wounded and supply trains to Narrow Passage. When Banks' Federals occupied Strasburg from 25 March to 1 April, the 1st Vermont Cavalry Regiment camped on Hupp's Hill, then the force moved southward.
This tactical loss at Kernstown, Jackson's only career defeat on a battlefield, was nevertheless a strategic victory. Jackson's aggressive movements convinced McClellan that the Army of the Valley had been reinforced, so Federal armies were returned to the Valley. Williams' division, which had left Winchester the day before the battle at Kernstown, was ordered back. Banks received new orders to push Jackson south to Mount Jackson and to drive south to the Staunton rail-hub. Lincoln kept Irvin McDowell's corps in Manassas instead of dispatching them to the Peninsula. Major General John C. Fremont's federals were reinforced as they marched south through the Alleghenies towards Staunton.
Jackson's success also impacted the Federal command structure. Lincoln reduced McClellan's command from responsibility over all of Virginia to only the Army of the Potomac pushing towards Richmond. The US president, a military amateur, began personally directing troop movements in the Valley.
Put in simple terms, the Battle of Kernstown had made the rest of the 1862 Valley Campaign necessary.
For several weeks after the battle at Kernstown, the Valley was relatively quiet. The Federal advance had halted along the Stony Creek line, and Jackson used the time to rebuild his army at Rude's Hill.
On the national scene, the new Confederate States of America was experiencing a crisis. In order to keep Southern governors happy, CSA President Jefferson Davis had been trying to defend as much land as possible, with the result that Confederate forces were spread too thin. After numerous defeats on the battlefield, Davis then developed a new policy of contraction in which Southern commanders were to protect only vital railroad lines and major rivers.
In the Valley, that meant that protecting the central railroad at Staunton, one of Richmond's principal supply lines, was key to Confederate success. Jackson's orders reflected this policy shift. Stonewall was to protect Staunton and the Virginia Central Railroad and, if necessary, strike Banks to keep the rail lines open and to prevent the Federals from redeploying to other fronts, notably Richmond.
After Banks occupied Harrisonburg on 20 April, Lincoln ordered Shields' Division to unite with McDowell at Fredericksburg and ordered Banks himself to stay in the Valley with only Williams' division. As Shields' forces began to leave the Valley, Jackson decided to strike with a masterful operation based on deception.
On 30 April, Jackson's Army of the Valley began their march out of the Valley, appearing to abandon it to the federals, but then on 4 May they boarded trains back to Staunton, where they united with Edward Johnson's army. On 8 May, the combined Confederate forces defeated Schenck's and Milroy's federals at the Battle of McDowell and isolated Fremont in the Alleghenies by driving his advance brigades 50 miles west of Staunton and then preventing their return to the Valley by blocking the mountain passes.
If the Battle of Kernstown had made the rest of the 1862 Valley Campaign necessary, the Battle of McDowell had made the remaining four battles possible. After McDowell, Jackson turned his attention to Banks' army, which occupied Strasburg on 13 May. Banks established his headquarters in the Hupp Mansion at the bottom of Hupp's Hill, while his chief signal officer, Lieutenant William W. Rowley of the 28th New York, established a two-man signal station on the crest of the Hill. This signal station maintained contact with the next station at Middletown until both closed down on the morning of 24 May.
Jackson and General Richard Ewell, who commanded one of Stonewall's divisions, decided to unite and strike Banks while he was weak and isolated from Fremont, who was still in the Alleghenies. Consequently, beginning on 19 May, Confederate columns moved north to pursue Banks. Jackson, reinforced by Brigadier General Richard Taylor's Louisiana Brigade of Ewell's Division, marched north along the Valley Pike, while the remainder of Ewell's division moved northward in the Luray Valley, east of the Massanutten Mountain. At New Market, however, Jackson turned east and crossed the Massanutten into the Luray Valley.
On 23 May, Jackson's 17,000-man force attacked 1,063 Federals at Front Royal commanded by Colonel John Kenly, who after fierce fighting finally ordered retreat across the Shenandoah River, but his men failed to burn the bridges. Jackson captured most of Kenly's command at Cedarville, a small village three miles north of Front Royal and five miles east of Middletown on the Winchester Pike. Confederate forces captured Kenly's wagon train and the majority of his garrison, exposed the rear of Banks' main Federal force at Strasburg, and opened the roads to Winchester.
Jackson had succeeded in driving a wedge between the Federal forces in the Shenandoah Valley and those east of the Blue Ridge Mountains, leaving Banks isolated. From its position 12 miles east of Strasburg, the Confederates could prevent Banks from moving out of the Valley, but if he remained at Strasburg, he would surely be surrounded and captured.
Banks could only retreat. On the morning of 24 May, his federal columns abandoned Strasburg, closed the signal station on Hupp's Hill, and began moving north toward Winchester along the Valley Pike. The retreat became increasingly disorganized as a result of Confederate action in the vicinity of Middletown and Cedarville, with the result that the Federal rear guard became isolated from the main body heading for Winchester. Jackson's Confederates, elated by their victory, followed in close pursuit.
The 114th Pennsylvania halted briefly at Cedar Creek Bridge, then advanced to Middletown where they encountered a large Confederate force that forced them fall back to the north bank of Cedar Creek. There they joined with the 1st Pennsylvania Light Artillery, whose guns temporarily halted the Confederates. Five companies of the 1st Vermont Cavalry then formed a line on Hupp's Hill to which the Pennsylvania infantry could withdraw, just as the Confederates formed a line of battle and were beginning to advance. They were joined by the 5th New York Cavalry, six companies of which had been destroying abandoned supplies in Strasburg. Assessing the size of the opposition, the Federals withdrew from Hupp's Hill toward Strasburg and escaped west on the Capon Grade.
At 11:00 AM, Confederate patrols reported heavy federal columns passing through Newtown in full retreat northward. Shortly after 3:00 PM, the Confederate advance slammed into the rear of the Federal column at Middletown, but the main column escaped and the pursuit north failed. Jackson's exhausted men pushed on toward Winchester, ambushed by the Federal rear guard at almost every turn.
The following day, 24 May, the Confederate and Federal armies met again, at the (1st) Battle of Winchester. After that battle, Jackson began pushing to Harpers Ferry, an action that threatened the security of Maryland and Washington and panicked the entire North. The size of the Federal garrison around Washington, however, precluded a quick victory. As Jackson pondered his next move, his scouts brought him word that McDowell's troops were moving towards Front Royal. Meanwhile, Fremont was marching north from Franklin, and Banks, who had been reinforced at Williamsport, was moving south. If Jackson stayed at Harpers Ferry, he faced the distinct possibility of being trapped by 60,000 Federals converging in his rear at Strasburg. Jackson knew he must reach Strasburg before the Union army did.
On 30 May, the Army of the Valley marched south, reaching Cedar Creek on 31 May. Brigadier General William B. Taliaferro's Brigade occupied Hupp's Hill and guarded the army's passage southward on 1 June. As the weary Confederates moved through Strasburg, the head of Fremont's column was only five miles to the west, and Shields was even closer than that on the east.
On 1 June, Ewell's Division clashed with Fremont's advance brigade three miles west of Strasburg, then withdrew. Lincoln's trap snapped shut right behind the retreating Army of the Valley, but failed. Fremont and Shields had not acted decisively, and Jackson had slipped through their fingers.
Federal reaction to Jackson's victories at Front Royal and Winchester compelled Stonewall to speed march southward, where the 1862 Valley Campaign came to a brilliant end with back to back victories at the Battles of Cross Keys (8 June 1862) and Port Republic (9 June 1862). During 10 pivotal weeks, Jackson's men had marched 500 miles and tied up 60,000 Federal troops. Throughout the 1862 Valley Campaign, Stonewall had masterfully used terrain and surprise to discomfit three enemy armies. After the Spring of 1862, military action in the Valley virtually halted until 1864. General Robert E. Lee took advantage of this lull by calling Jackson's battle weary troops to Richmond to help fight McClellan's Army of the Potomac.
Hupp's Hill served as a crossroads of history throughout that saga.
References
An Assessment of the Strategic and Historic Significance of Hupp's Hill, Virginia, 1861-1865, by Joseph W. A. Whitehorne, AD, Lord Fairfax Community College; and Clarence R. Geier, Ph.D., James Madison University. A Report submitted to Wayside Foundation of American History and Arts, Inc., August, 1998.
Stonewall in the Valley - Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson's Shenandoah Valley Campaign, Spring 1862, by Robert G.Tanner, Stackpole Books, 1996.
If This Valley is Lost, Virginia is Lost!, a compilation of essays edited by Jonathan A. Noyales, published by Shenandoah Valley Battlefields Foundation, 2006.
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A Look at Hupp's Hill's Involvement in the Shenandoah Valley Campaigns Part 2: The 1864 Valley Campaign
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After Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson's 1862 Valley Campaign and throughout 1863, Hupp's Hill and the entire lower Valley saw little major military action. But by 1864 Northern leaders again viewed control of the Valley as a vital component in defeating their Southern foes; the Valley's southwest to northeast alignment made it an excellent avenue of invasion from the South into the Union capital in Washington and the region also produced a large portion of the food that supplied the Confederate army. Hupp's Hill became a key site throughout the resulting 1864 Valley Campaign.
Ulysses S. Grant sent MGen. Franz Sigel to the Shenandoah Valley to act as a strategic diversion in support of the Army of the Potomac in eastern Virginia and the Army of West Virginia in Wythe County. Advancing from Winchester, Sigel's forces marched through Strasburg en route to their defeat at New Market on 15 May. On 16 May, the weary and battered Federals retreated to Strasburg, where Sigel headquartered at the Hupp Mansion at the southern base of Hupp's Hill while most of his troops encamped on its heights. On 17 May, the entire command shifted to the north bank of Cedar Creek, but maintained several outposts south of his position, including a picket force on Hupp's Hill commanded by Col. George D. Wells of the 34th Massachusetts.
On 21 May, MGen. David Hunter relieved Sigel and immediately strengthened these outposts by setting up two companies from the 34th on Hupp's Hill, one on each side of the north/south-oriented Valley Pike. These and other patrol units remained in position until Hunter moved southward on 26 May. Hunter won battles at Piedmont and Lexington, but MGen. Jubal A. Early defeated him at Lynchburg on 18 June. Hunter then withdrew westward into the Kanawha Valley, which enabled Early to advance down the Valley and begin his famous Raid on Washington, passing through Strasburg and across Hupp's Hill on 1 July. On 11 July, Federal reinforcements forced him to withdraw from the capital area, but after fighting a successful rear guard action near Cool Spring, Early pulled his force back to Cedar Creek on 21 July and shifted south of the creek onto Hupp's Hill the next day, with Gordon's Division encamping on Hupp's Hill.
After winning the 2nd Battle of Kernstown on 23 July, Early then proceeded northward, destroying the rail yards at Martinsburg, Virginia, and following with a devastating cavalry raid on Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Early's aggressiveness had achieved Confederate dominance of the lower Valley, which then compelled Grant to reinforce and consolidate Federal forces in Maryland, West Virginia, and northern Virginia into a new Middle Military Division commanded by General Philip Sheridan. As part of this reorganization effort, units previously assigned to the area were consolidated into the 8th Corps, and the 6th and 19th Corps were returned to the Valley. With them, Sheridan was instructed to end Confederate military power in the Valley and to destroy it economically. However, Sheridan moved cautiously at first because he was under orders to have no more disasters such as those the Federals had experienced earlier in the year and because he assumed that Early was stronger than he was.
Nevertheless, by August the Union army had pressed Early's main force back to Fishers Hill, where the Southerners completed a strong system of earthworks atop the steep hill but also retained a small force in Strasburg. The main US force set up along Cedar Creek and also established a strong picket on Hupp's Hill that then skirmished with the CS units remaining in Strasburg. The Federals cleared Strasburg on the night of 12 August, and then returned northward to the main body the next morning. That day, a Confederate brigade advancing from Fishers Hill fought Col. Joseph Thoburn's Division of the 8th Corps on Hupp's Hill. The Hill saw further heavy skirmishing on 14 August before Sheridan headed northward to Jefferson County on the 15th.
Underestimating Sheridan's strength, Robert E. Lee recalled Kershaw's Division to Richmond. Seeing this force reduction, Sheridan then attacked Early at 3rd Winchester. Early, who had become overconfident at Sheridan's apparent lack of aggressiveness, had disastrously deployed his divisions too far apart to easily support each other, and as a result lost the initiative in the 1864 Valley Campaign.
Sheridan chased Early's army back to their strong prepared positions on Fisher's Hill. Despite the fact that at this location the mountains to the east and west narrow the Valley's width to less than five miles, a most favorable tactical position, Early did not have enough men to effectively hold even this relatively short line. Sheridan observed that Early had extended his line westward with only a thin band of dismounted cavalry, and decided to exploit the situation.
By noon on 21 September, the Federals were established at sites between Cedar Creek and Hupp's Hill, while their skirmishers sniped at Confederate units in Strasburg itself. At his headquarters at the Stickley farm on Cedar Creek, Sheridan conceived a daring plan that relied on absolute secrecy for success. He intended to distract Early from observing a flanking movement coming up onto the vulnerable western end of the Confederate battle line. To begin implementing his plan, the 6th and 19th moved southward on the night of 21 September, and Sheridan shifted his headquarters to the Hupp Mansion.
On 22 September, Sheridan sent the 8th Corps on a circuitous march from Cedar Creek to Strasburg's Town Run Spring (west of Hupp's Hill), using the heights of Hupp's Hill to keep Confederates on Signal Knob from observing their movements. The Federals then moved silently and stealthily across Capon Grade Road and Back Road, bringing the 8th Corps in perpendicular to the Confederate west flank, while the 6th and 19th Corps distracted the southerners on their front. The Confederate left flank rolled up, and the 6th and 19th attacked into the Tumbling Run ravine and up Fisher's Hill. Early and his men were forced to retreat as far south as Harrisonburg, pursued by Federal cavalry most of the way.
Grant had directed Sheridan to end Confederate military power in the Valley and to destroy the Valley itself as an economic asset of the Southern nation. After having smashed Early's army at 3rd Winchester and Fishers Hill, Sheridan assumed that the southern army no longer posed a significant threat and so embarked upon the economic destruction of the Valley known as the Burning.
During the Burning, Federal forces looted, burned, or in some other way destroyed all Valley resources as far south as Staunton that could be used for the Confederate war effort. The Union army then made a leisurely withdrawal northward from the upper Valley, returning to the Strasburg area on 9 October, when Sheridan again set up his headquarters in the Hupp Mansion. On 10 October, the Federals continued moving northward to camps extending several miles east and west of the Belle Grove mansion on the north side of Cedar Creek.
Troop movement across the Cedar Creek bridge was very slow, especially when large herds of livestock acquired during the campaign created a bottleneck. The 19th Corps performed as rearguard, forming a line of battle across Hupp's Hill, facing south until the jam could be cleared. But even as the last Northern units crossed the bridge and prepared to destroy it, Confederate cavalry appeared on Hupp's Hill and threatened the Federal rear detachments. To reinvigorate Early's forces, Richmond had returned Kershaw's Division to him, and had also sent a new cavalry brigade under BGen. Thomas Rosser. The cavalry had been soundly defeated at Tom's Brook on 9 October, but overall Early felt strong enough to begin aggressive movements calculated to distract Sheridan from sending any parts of his force to assist Grant at Petersburg.
At 6:00 AM on 13 October, Early's infantry and artillery column proceeded along the Valley Pike over Fishers Hill and through Strasburg, finally halting at 10:00 AM on the southern (reverse) slope of Hupp's Hill. Gordon shifted his troops into a stand of trees west of the Pike, while MGen. Gabriel Wharton's Division extended the battle line further west by moving from Hupp's Spring across the Town Run Valley, while MGen. Joseph B. Kershaw's Division set up in reserve around the Hupp Mansion. The Confederate main force, concealed as it was from Union view by the height of the Hill, was not detected by the Federals encamped across Cedar Creek just a short distance away.
Jubal Early wished to observe the Federal lines preparatory to making a surprise attack upon them, so he rode forward to the Stickley Farm, which afforded a good view. But, while he was absent, men of Capt. Charles W. Fry's Battery, enraged by the total destruction during the Burning, sent a few random shells from their position on Hupp's Hill into the 19th Corps camp, which they could clearly see across Cedar Creek. Division commander Thoburn ordered George Wells' 34th Massachusetts and Thomas H. Harris' 54th Pennsylvania infantry brigades to cross Cedar Creek from Bowman's Hill, determine the size of the Confederate force, and capture the annoying artillery pieces. The two units crossed Cedar Creek near Widow Bowman's Harmony Hall, formed a battle line, and shifted westward so that Harris was on the west side and Wells was on the east side of the Valley Pike on the grade ascending the north knoll of Hupp's Hill.
As they moved south, the height of the intervening north knoll of Hupp's Hill prevented the 34th and 54th from seeing each other and also allowed Confederate forces to get between the two units and threaten their flanks. Harris soon halted under heavy artillery fire but Wells, who was better protected by the terrain, managed to reach a stone wall a few hundred yards northeast of the Confederate artillery. Confederate BGen. James Connor's Brigade of Kershaw's Division then counterattacked, supported by skirmishers from Wharton's and Gordon's divisions. The northern and southern battle lines literally exploded into a short but sharp engagement termed the Battle of Hupp's Hill.
For about an hour, the foes hammered each other. When Thoburn realized that the Confederate force was more than his two small brigades could handle, he sent an officer to order them to withdraw. The courier reached Harris, who pulled back immediately, but the officer's horse was killed before he could get the order to Wells. This meant that Wells' western flank was now exposed. Wells wisely initiated a retreat, but was mortally wounded in the process. The survivors of both brigades managed to return to the Stickley Farm by the Cedar Creek Bridge, where they came under the protection of the 19th corps artillery and then safely crossed to their camps on the northern bank.
Two of Wells' officers remained with their beloved colonel after the withdrawal, carrying the dying colonel to the main Confederate battle line on the reverse slope of Hupp's Hill, where General Early ordered an ambulance. However, Wells expired just as the vehicle arrived, and his body was returned to Federal lines under a flag of truce the next day.
Colonel George Wells' death on the northern slopes of Hupp's Hill caused great grief in New England and drew national attention to the small hillock in the Great Valley of Virginia. The son of a Massachusetts Supreme Court chief justice, George Wells had been a prominent attorney who rose in state politics to become Speaker of the Massachusetts House in 1859. In April 1861, Wells had left politics behind to serve in a state regiment, ultimately becoming brigade commander in June 1864. The popular officer was posthumously promoted to brigadier general.
Although the Battle of Hupp's Hill was a clear tactical victory, it was a huge strategic failure for the Confederacy. Because Union forces had been unaware of the presence of the Confederate army on the southern slope of Hupp's Hill, Jubal Early could have launched a successful surprise attack from this position. Indeed, Early had ridden forward to reconnoiter the Federal position preparatory to such an attack when inappropriate and unordered Confederate artillery fire alerted Union forces to their presence. With the element of surprise now lost, Early had to withdraw his forces to Fisher's Hill on 14 October. Thus, when Early finally mounted his surprise attack on 19 October, his army had to begin marching at midnight from a position some six miles distant from the position they had occupied just six days before.
During those six days, Hupp's Hill became a no-man's-land. On 14 October, the Federal cavalry probed south of Strasburg before being driven back to Hupp's Hill by Wharton's and Gordon's skirmishers. Confederate infantry remained on the Hill observing Federal positions throughout the 15th before returning to Fishers Hill, but Confederate patrols continued to periodically visit Hupp's Hill.
The Federals felt secure in their positions north of Cedar Creek, and so mounted little reconnaissance, mistakenly assuming that Early was too outnumbered to do anything other than harass them. The 8th Corps on the east side of the Federal line was particularly vulnerable to attack, as Crook was relying on the inhospitable terrain for its defense.
Early was at a point of decision: he had to either attack or retreat, because the Burning had made it impossible for him to sustain his army on Fisher's Hill. His reconnaissance showed that an attack that proceeded straight down the Pike or alternatively from the west side of the Pike would have little chance of success, so that left open only the option of an attack from the rough terrain on the east side of the Federal encampments. But that option looked promising. Observation of the Federals' east side defenses from atop Massanutten Mountain, in an age when the idea of aerial reconnaissance was inconceivable to most people, gave a highly detailed, panoramic view of the Federal encampment. With this detailed information, Early approved a daring plan of attack against Sheridan's weak eastern flank that could give to Early's outnumbered forces the elements of total surprise and local superiority of mass. The plan called for a midnight march by four converging columns attacking at 5:00 AM: Gordon's column to move along a small trail at the base of the Massanutten south of the North Fork of the Shenandoah River and attack the vulnerable Federal east flank; Wharton's and Kershaw's column to march down the Valley Pike, halting at Hupp's Hill until Gordon attacks, then joining in the fighting across Cedar Creek; Rosser's cavalry to attack the Federal cavalry on the west side of the Valley Pike, while Lomax's troopers push up the Front Royal-Winchester Road to Newtown to prevent Federal withdrawal; and artillery to wait on the Valley Pike between Fisher's Hill and Strasburg until the battle begins (so that the sound of wheels on the macadamized road does not alert their foe), then roll up to Hupp's Hill.
The plan worked beautifully, and Hupp's Hill played a pivotal role in the posturing of the enemy armies. The height of Hupp's Hill shielded the staging of Wharton's Division on the southern face of the Hill and also prevented Union forces from observing Kershaw's deployment on the east flank of the 8th Corps on Bowman's Hill and Gordon's deployment behind the Union right flank. Artillery fire from the heights of Hupp's Hill also added to the morning's attack and victory.
Satisfied with his morning's work, Early retired from the field, but at about 4:00 PM, Sheridan counterattacked. The morning victory turned into a disaster when the afternoon battle pressed Early's disorganized Confederates southward in a panicked retreat. Early attempted to protect his retreat with artillery on the high ground above the Stickley Farm, but Federal cavalry on Hupp's Hill drove them off. By late evening, the collapse of the Valley Pike bridge across Cedar Run one mile south of Strasburg had caused a massive traffic jam from Spangler's Mill at Cedar Run to Hupp's Hill one mile north of Strasburg. As a result, Federal cavalry was able to capture nearly all of Early's rolling stock.
The last point of organized Confederate resistance occurred when Maj. Henry Kyd Douglas gathered a small group of men to mount a rearguard action on the crest of Hupp's Hill by building a barrier of fence rails and debris, but the effort turned into a rout as the Federal cavalry massed for a final charge. Sheridan's forces drove the Confederates back to Fishers Hill with heavy losses in men and materiel. The Federal cavalry gathered prisoners late into the night, while the 19th Corps set up a forward line in Strasburg.
The following day, the 20th of October, Sheridan realigned his defenses, setting up the 1st and 3rd Brigades of the 6th Corps on Hupp's Hill. Division adjutant Major Hazard Stevens selected unit campsites and traced out a mile-plus long trench line anchored by lunettes (half-moon-shaped artillery emplacements). Vestiges of these earthworks are still visible on the Hupp's Hill Historic Park Interpretive Walking Trail. Assuming that Hupp's Hill would be the division's winter camp, Stevens ordered his men to floor the tents and built chimneys in each structure, and to construct furniture, stables, and offices, and to erect a signal tower adjacent to the Valley Pike.
However, Sheridan and Grant concluded that Early no longer posed a threat and decided to send the infantry to a more useful location. On 31 October, the division held a grand review on the reverse slope of Hupp's Hill that was well attended by observers from the other corps, then the division pulled back to Winchester 9 November en route to the siege of Petersburg. Thousands of men who had been successfully diverted from action near the Confederate capital were now added to the forces that would ultimately compel Lee's surrender at Appomattox.
In short, during both the 1862 and 1864 Valley Campaigns, the knobs and ridges of Hupp's Hill provided significant areas of encampment, scouting, and artillery emplacements to both the Union and the Confederate armies. Both warring armies also used the topographic feature as a key landmass to mask their successful troop movements. Though seemingly just a small hillock in rural Virginia, Hupp's Hill actually played a significant role in the national conflict of the 1860's.
Edited from:
An Assessment of the Strategic and Historic Significance of Hupp's Hill Virginia, 1861-1865,
A Report Submitted to Wayside Foundation of American History and Arts, Inc.
by Joseph W. A. Whitehorne, and Clarence R. Geier
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Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Home Front
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Wartime conditions produced shortages in three-fourths of the items Southerners used in their everyday lives. The roots of the shortages crisis can be traced to the same sectional divergences that caused the armed conflict. These shortages inspired inventive Southern women to first "stretch" their precious supplies and then, when supplies ran out entirely, to invent ingenious substitutes.
The northern and southern states were in many crucial respects very different from each other. The rocky soil of the north promoted the growth of small farms and big industry. By contrast, the southern states included vast tracts of fertile flat land that gave rise to the plantation system, which required either large numbers of laborers or laborsaving machinery to produce (usually inedible) cash crops. Until appropriate technologies were invented, the need for labor was filled by the slavery system. Although enlightened souls found the slave system morally reprehensible, economics usually took first priority. Once Northerners found the slave system unprofitable, they abolished it in their states. Many Southerners also found their "peculiar institution" extremely expensive and, by the end of the War, the Confederate Congress was examining legislation to end the practice. However, the economic identities of the industrial North and the agrarian South were firmly established, and sectional interest dominated domestic politics.
The agrarian South exchanged its cash crops for industrial goods produced in either the Northern states or European cities. Sectional conflict began with tariffs, which penalized the import-loving South while protecting northern manufactures. Tariff controversies raged in the early United States, resulting in carefully devised compromises that attempted to balance Northern and Southern interests. When compromise broke down, whether regarding tariffs, fugitive slaves, or westward expansion, the conflict finally escalated to violent confrontation.
In Cracker Culture, Grady McWhiney postulated a cultural dimension of the divergent sectional value systems. He observed that English people with a thrifty Yankee business sense and the relentless Protestant Work Ethic had developed the northern states, in contrast to a large Gaelic population with a much more laid-back attitude who had settled the hardscrabble southern backcountry. Unlike the Gaels, who included many Irish-Catholics and fighting Scotsmen, the English tended to value the accumulation of material possessions as the measure of a successful life, often viewing groups that did not share that belief system as primitive.
To facilitate business, Yankee merchants promoted internal improvements at public expense, building roads, railroads, and canals with tax revenues. Gaels, although seemingly unsuccessful (by English standards) on their hardscrabble farms, possessed "enough food, shelter, and material possessions to get by" and valued their rich oral tradition of storytelling and discourse more than accumulation of wealth. Further, Gaels were content to use rivers for travel, saw no need for internal improvements, certainly did not want to spend tax revenues on their construction, and did not want strangers traveling to their homes anyway!
McWhiney suggests that the American Civil War is just an extension of the long-running violence between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland. In both cases, unresolved conflicts between entirely different cultures, including religion to be sure, but also encompassing all lifeways, led to wars. The ability to fight a modern war was also dependent on those lifeways, as the divergent value systems were carried into each section's infrastructure.
Whether or not you subscribe to McWhiney's explanation, it is nevertheless an incontestable truth that at the beginning of the American Civil War, the northern states possessed ten times more roads and railroad track than the Southern states, which adversely impacted Confederate troop movement and supply distribution. This already immense gap in distribution capabilities was further compounded by normal cycles of inclement weather and by wartime conditions.
This, the first modern war, featured war of attrition, all-out war that systematically targets civilian resources in order to destroy both the enemy's ability and desire to continue fighting. Most Civil War battles occurred in Southern territory, causing immense damage to Confederate roads, bridges, and railroad lines.
But even if the transportation system had remained intact, there was the problem of production because factories and farms were also targeted for destruction. As the South had long favored an agrarian economy over the development of industry, her industrial production capacity was already unequal to the task to supplying her armies and citizens, even without the added burden of replacing factory complexes that had been destroyed by the enemy. And, with three of every four Southern men serving in the Confederate army, a severe manpower shortage curtailed many capital improvements.
Both of the dueling armies impressed civilian resources for military use, thereby removing vast quantities of supplies from the southern homefront. The southern armies generally compensated the civilians, but the northern military did not. But in both cases, civilians were usually left with the second-best horse or wagon or implement, for which there were no replacement parts, and often no possibly of manufacturing more.
When cornfields became battlefields, farming families lost the modest harvest income they had depended on. After repeated military engagements, a couple of droughts, and several epidemics of human and plant diseases, many areas in the South became entirely non-productive.
Whenever a nation cannot produce what she needs, she turns to import trade. At war with her northern trading partner, products from northern factories were no longer available. That left the South only her European trading partners, but the United States blockaded the Confederate coastline to stop southern ships from traveling to European ports. While blockading a 3,000-mile coastline seems an almost-impossible task, the US navy became increasingly effective as the war progressed; in 1861, the US navy stopped only one of every nine southern ships, but by 1865 her success rate was an awesome one of every two Confederate boats intercepted.
Caught between wartime destruction of an already inadequate infrastructure and the ever-increasing effectiveness of the federal blockade, Southerners began to feel severe shortages throughout the Confederacy. When there is a great demand for a small supply of a product, prices rise, resulting in classic inflation. Speculation and hoarding further removed supplies of key items and fueled rampantly growing inflation.
Diaries and letters from 1864 Richmond reported unbelievable prices for necessary goods, including:
- Flour - $300-500 per barrel
- Shoes - $200-800 per pair
- Bacon - $8-11 per pound
- Cloth - $45 per yard
- Coffee - $50-60 per pound
- A spool of thread - $10
- A ham - $350
- Firewood - $150 per cord
- A watermelon - $10
- Brown sugar - $10 per pound
- Tea - $3-40 per pound
- A man's hat - $75
A woman typically made $250 per month in a government office job. If her husband was a private in the army and sent half of his pay home, she could add another $6 to her income, but it is rather evident that it was really hard to make ends meet during this inflationary cycle.
The shortage of food and drink was the most keenly felt. After stretching supplies as far as they would go, homemakers made substitutes. In place of beef, they ate fish, fowl, eggs, wild game, rats, frogs, fried snails, young crow, snakes, locusts, earthworms, bird nests, cats, dogs, dead mules, and peanuts. For sugar, sorghum, honey, maple sugar, persimmons, watermelons, and fig syrup substituted. Instead of wheat flour, resourceful women "made do" with rice flours, corn meal, pea meal, sorghum flour, acorns, persimmons, clover, and lilies. They replaced imported teas with beverages made of sassafras, blackberry leaves, raspberries, huckleberries, currants, willow, sage, various vegetables, holly, and yaupon. For potable water, women "purified" muddy water. In baking, they used corncob ashes or hickory logs as a replacement for bicarbonate of soda.
But the most lamented shortage was a lack of coffee. Americans became a nation of coffee drinkers when they boycotted English tea in protest against taxation without representation. Many children even today realize at a very early age that they should not interact with their parents until the latter have had their first morning cup! The shortage of this beverage deeply grieved Southerners, who devised many less than satisfactory ways to "stretch" their supply of the real thing, including parched corn, rye, wheat, okra seed, dried sweet potatoes, chicory, acorns dandelion roots, sugar can, cotton seed, sorghum molasses, English peas, peanuts, and bean. Today's coffee drinkers often shudder when they hear this list, but in New Orleans, adding chicory to their coffee actually worked well, and today many Louisianians still add it to their favorite beverage. However, most other shortages do not seem so humorous.
Facing immense battlefield carnage, the military pre-empted civilian supplies of desperately needed medicines. Small amounts were captured from enemy supplies. Land and sea blockade running resulted in some additional small supplies, but smuggled medicines carried exorbitant prices.
Indigenous plants produced some relief. Homemade tonics included raspberry leaves for diarrhea, peach leaf tea for nausea, poke root for itch, young elm branches for eye wash, opium for morphine, and a milk-charcoal concoction for a gargle. But there were never sufficient quantities to relieve sick and suffering Confederates.
Surgical implements and medical equipment were also in short supply. Doctors substituted forks for surgical hooks, strips of bark for tourniquets, penknives for scalpels, fence rails for splints, bed linens for bandages and sponges, and heated gun shells for hot water bottles.
Vast property destruction also caused acute shortages in housing and household goods. Rent skyrocketed, which fueled inflation and lowered the standard of living. But resourceful women "made do" as best they could. They burned inferior quality coal and fence rails to heat their structures. Instead of traditional bedding, they used homespun, carpets, and moss- or paper-lined sheets for blankets. For soap, they substituted cottonseed oil, corn shucks, chinaberries, and wheat straw ashes, perfuming their harsh homemade products. They mended broken china and glass, made tin cups and plates, and used tin cans, gourds, bottles and domestic pottery. They made wooden utensils or ate with their fingers. In place of imported toys, they crafted hand made substitutes for their children. For glue, they used tree gum, flour-water paste, or sealing wax. Twigs and pig bristles became toothbrushes, with charcoal serving as tooth powder.
The shortage of paper was keenly felt. To keep the family unit intact, civilians exchanged letters with their soldiers away in the army. Many people tore empty pages out of books to use as stationary, wrote their messages in a very small script, both horizontally across the page, then superimposed lines of writing vertically across the previous lines, and folded the paper carefully so that the letter served as its own envelope. Inks made from berries served fairly well on stationary, but could not be used on printing presses.
Newspapers were crucial; they carried recipes, patterns, and suggestions for substitutes; informed their citizens of the war's progress; and notified families that their loved ones had been battle fatalities. But, lacking rags with which to make paper, publishers printed newspapers on any paper available, even wallpaper. When those sources were no longer available, newsmen cut their edition size down, smaller and smaller, until the publication finally went out of business. That process sped up if ink ran out first.
Staying properly and adequately clothed posed another huge problem. Ladies (as opposed to "women who were not as good as they should be") wore a caged crinoline ("hoop") as well as under- and over-petticoats, a chemise, corset, corset cover, drawers, bodice, and skirt, which required a total of 24 yards of fabric. With inflated prices, however, women simply did not purchase ready-made clothing or fabric. Instead, they patched, redecorated, remade, and turned inside out their worn clothing. When an article of clothing could not be refurbished, they either made dresses out of house drapes a la Scarlett O' Hara (one of those Gaels!) or else dragged their colonial grandmother's spinning wheel and loom out of the attic, spun their own thread, wove their own cloth, and, if their treadle sewing machine broke down and replacement parts were unavailable, hand stitched their own clothing. They carefully wrapped their precious needles and pins in paper and hid them away because, if lost, they could not be replaced; the south produced very little steel. They made hats out of baskets, footwear out of carpets, and underpinnings (undergarments) out of sheets and pillowcases. By the end of the war, few southern women had coordinated bodices and skirts, and many were clothed in rags; their parlors were stripped bare of carpets and drapes that could have helped ward off the winter chill; and they had long ago discarded hoops, because no one could afford the fabric yardage required to fit over them. The War forced even fashion styles to change.
While these women should be applauded for their great ingenuity in devising so many substitutes for scarce articles, a great conundrum remains: how can an agrarian society preserve its culture during a modern war? The technology needed to produce modern weapons and transportation systems is inimical to that culture. The Southern nation was forced to industrialize to continue fighting; in defeat, Confederates found that the way of life they had hoped to preserve was gone with the wind.
But these ingenious people did survive the War, living to incorporate as many of their old lifeways as possible into a new Order.
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